Alcune considerazioni sulle "relative di ripresa" in russo

This paper will o er an explanation as to why resumptive relatives – an ungrammatical structure in standard Russian – seem to be marginally acceptable when (a) they are introduced by čto instead of kotoryj, and (b) they occur as ap- positive (i.e. non-restrictive) relatives. Such phenomenon is analysed as a result of the interaction between the syntax of appositive relatives and the semantics of the relative operator. It is shown how the proposed approach can shed new light on the traditional ‘restrictive vs appositive’ distinction in Russian relative clauses, and how it contributes to further exploring the syntax-semantics interface.